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DAMASCUS, Syria — In a striking shift since the recent overthrow of President Bashar Assad by insurgents, the ruling Baath party has announced a suspension of its activities, signaling an unprecedented change for a party that dominated Syrian politics for over sixty years.
Following this political upheaval, many individuals within the party’s leadership have gone into hiding or fled Syria entirely. In a notable gesture, the former party headquarters in Damascus has been repurposed into a center for army and security personnel to register their names and relinquish their arms.
There are increasing demands from the public for the formal dissolution of the Arab Socialist Baath Party, which has been in power since 1963.
Numerous Syrians, including ex-party members, argue that the Baath rule has caused significant diplomatic rifts with neighboring Arab nations and exacerbated the corruption that has plagued Syria, contributing to its current crises.
Mohammed Hussein Ali, a 64-year-old former state oil company worker who was a lifelong party member until he resigned at the onset of the anti-government protests in 2011, expressed his relief. “The party should not only be dissolved, it should go to hell,” he declared, highlighting his contentment with the end of Baathist rule.
An official from Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), the group spearheading the insurgent campaign against Assad, stated that no definitive action regarding the Baath party has been established. However, HTS leader Ahmad al-Sharaa has indicated that those accountable for crimes against the Syrian populace over the years, potentially including party officials, will face justice.
Founded in 1947 by Syrian nationalists Michel Aflaq and Salaheddine Bitar, the Baath party aimed to create a united Arab nation. It had significant influence in both Syria and Iraq, until Saddam Hussein’s regime fell in a U.S.-led invasion in 2003.
In Syria, the Baath party became synonymous with the Assad dynasty after the family seized control in 1970. Over the decades, they employed the party’s agenda to maintain stringent control over the state while fostering a familial and sectarian loyalty among military ranks through their minority Alawite connections.
Abdul-Rahman Ali, a long-time Baath party member and ex-soldier, surprised to learn of the party’s founding figures, admitted, “I always thought Hafez Assad was the founder.” He expressed relief, stating, “Even the walls had ears. We didn’t dare express opinions with anyone,” alluding to the pervasive atmosphere of fear cultivated by the regime’s security apparatus.
The influence of the Baath party extended deeply into educational systems, requiring children to join the Baath Vanguards, where they were indoctrinated with nationalist and socialist ideologies. Furthermore, job opportunities, particularly in government and security sectors, were often reserved for party members, making affiliation almost a necessity for advancement.
A constitutional amendment in 2012 removed a clause designating the Baath party as the guiding force of the country, ostensibly in response to public outcry for political reform. Nevertheless, the party retained control over significant state functions to a considerable extent.
Another ex-soldier, identified only as Ghadir due to security concerns, recounted joining the party for economic stability, emphasizing that non-Baathists had few opportunities for public employment. “You could not take any job if you were not a Baathist,” he remarked.
Despite a general sense of relief over the party’s decline, some express worries about the potential for a purge against the Baathists, akin to the de-Baathification policy enacted in Iraq following Saddam’s ousting. This past initiative was heavily criticized by Sunnis who viewed it as a sectarian attack from the Shiite majority, paving the way for extremism and civil unrest in Iraq.
In a statement issued shortly after Assad’s downfall, the Baath party urged its members to return public vehicles and surrender their weapons to the newly established authorities. On December 24, a former party member and army colonel, Mohammed Merhi, was among many who went to the former party headquarters to hand in arms.
Merhi felt the party deserved another chance, citing its foundational principles, though he suggested he might support a different party if Syria transitions to a genuine multiparty democracy. After providing his Soviet Makarov pistol, he received documentation allowing him greater personal freedom in the new political landscape. “I want to become again a normal Syrian citizen and work to build a new Syria,” he said, reflecting the hope for a more inclusive future.
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